After three years of closure, the border between Niger and Bénin appears poised for a significant shift. A recent visit by Nigerien Prime Minister Ali Lamine Zeine to Cotonou last Sunday, where he attended the inauguration of Bénin’s new head of state, Romuald Wadagni, has re-established a direct political conduit between Niamey and Cotonou. Addressing his hosts, the Nigerien government leader spoke of a “new path” for the two nations, a diplomatic phrasing that signals the beginning of a thaw following a period of open crisis sparked by the July 2023 coup.
The closure of the Malanville border post, a crucial commercial crossing connecting the two states, was a direct consequence of sanctions imposed by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) against Niger’s military regime. Since then, the flow of hydrocarbons, foodstuffs, and various goods has been diverted through neighboring Burkina Faso and Togo, leading to a substantial increase in logistical costs for businesses on both sides.
Severe economic repercussions from a fractured relationship
For an economy like Niger’s, which is structurally landlocked, the Port of Cotonou traditionally served as its primary maritime gateway. Its exclusion has significantly impacted Bénin’s customs revenues and complicated supply chains for Niamey, particularly after the commissioning of the crude oil export pipeline linking Agadem to Bénin’s Sèmè-Kpodji terminal. The dispute surrounding this vital infrastructure, operated in partnership with the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), had intensified distrust between the two capitals throughout 2024.
For communities living along the border, the closure has caused severe commercial strangulation in areas heavily reliant on transit trade. Informal operators, including transporters and traders, resorted to bypassing official routes via secondary tracks, fueling a difficult-to-monitor parallel market. Economist Olivier Vallée, formerly a technical advisor in Niger, emphasizes that an official reopening would provide immediate relief for households on both sides of the divide.
Security concerns at the heart of lingering hesitation
Despite economic pressures, security remains a primary point of contention. Béninese authorities are grappling with an escalation of armed groups, including those affiliated with Islamic State in the Sahel and Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), particularly in the northern regions and within the W and Pendjari national parks. Cotonou fears that an unregulated reopening of the Malanville post could facilitate the movement of combatants and the logistical resupply of cells operating in the volatile ‘three borders’ area.
On the Nigerien side, a similar apprehension persists. The transitional authorities accuse Bénin of having permitted, following the 2023 coup, the presence of elements hostile to the military government within its territory. Niamey has repeatedly alleged that Cotonou harbors training bases, claims consistently denied by Béninese officials. This atmosphere of mutual suspicion, as noted by Olivier Vallée, explains why both nations remain wary of potential infiltrations, whether jihadist or political.
A conditional path towards reconciliation
The assumption of the Béninese presidency by Romuald Wadagni partially reshuffles the diplomatic deck. As a former finance minister well-regarded by international donors, he inherits a situation where economic interests strongly advocate for swift de-escalation. The full and uninterrupted resumption of Nigerien crude oil exports through the Béninese terminal represents a potential revenue stream of several hundred billion CFA francs annually for both national treasuries.
However, the precise timeline for a full reopening remains uncertain. Several technical stages are anticipated, including the establishment of enhanced control protocols at Malanville, the potential reactivation of a joint security commission, and clarifying the status of nationals from both countries who have been stranded since 2023. Niger’s departure from ECOWAS alongside Mali and Burkina Faso to establish the Confederation of Sahel States further complicates the institutional landscape for regional cooperation. Nevertheless, the recent diplomatic gesture in Cotonou stands as the most tangible political signal since the crisis began.
