Burkina Faso’s leader, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, a 36-year-old with newly acquired captain’s insignia, presides over a presidential palace he seized, having abolished democratic elections. This convenient move eliminates the need to engage with voters, allowing for direct communication — or misdirection — to journalists.
From the opulent Koulouba palace, Captain Traoré recently hosted a select group of six journalists, delivering a two-hour monologue of purported national success. He painted a picture of a revitalized Burkina Faso: the military reclaiming vast territories, a booming industrial sector, surging gold reserves, expanding infrastructure, and unparalleled freedom for its citizens. It was a carefully curated narrative, seemingly awaiting only a patriotic soundtrack and a flag waving proudly in the breeze.
The unveiling report: a stark contrast
However, this carefully constructed image crumbles under the weight of a 351-page report released by Human Rights Watch (HRW) concurrently. Titled “No One Will Escape,” the document meticulously details the deaths of 1,837 civilians over two and a half years. Disturbingly, the report attributes these fatalities not only to JNIM jihadists and VDP militias but also systematically to the Burkinabè army itself. While various factions contribute to the violence, HRW’s findings suggest that state-affiliated forces are engaged in systematic killings, often with drone surveillance and explicit orders from above, raising serious concerns about human rights in Burkina Faso.
The HRW report lays bare a litany of grave abuses: documented war crimes, potential crimes against humanity, and the specific ethnic targeting of the Fulani community. It cites summary executions, including 223 civilians (56 of whom were children) in Nondin in February 2024, hundreds more at Baraboulé in December 2023, and a massacre of 130 Fulani near Solenzo in March 2025. Evidence includes mass graves, harrowing survivor testimonies, and corroborating satellite imagery. Such detailed accounts stand in stark contrast to any narrative dismissing them as mere “Western conspiracy.”
“Recaptured” towns and dark secrets
Irony abounds as Captain Traoré proudly lists towns like Baraboulé and Pétégoli as “recaptured.” Yet, these very locations are central to HRW’s documentation of “Operation Tchéfari 2” – “The Warriors’ Honey” in Fulfulde, a grimly poetic name for widespread slaughter. This operation saw the military kill hundreds of civilians across 16 villages. While state media hailed it as a “success,” survivors describe it as an abattoir, highlighting a profound divergence in perspective regarding military operations and their human cost in Burkina Faso.
Traoré’s explanation for these killings is equally perplexing: he claims they are committed by terrorists in military uniforms who film their own atrocities. This narrative suggests an extraordinary level of sophistication from individuals Traoré himself describes as merely “reading the Quran in the bush,” implying they can coordinate multiple battalions, utilize military drones, and then vanish without a trace. This explanation strains credulity when confronted with the evidence of state-sponsored violence.
The unmentionable community: Fulani targeting
Throughout his two-hour interview, the word “Fulani” was conspicuously absent. Not a single mention. This glaring omission is akin to recounting World War II history while omitting any reference to Jewish victims – technically possible, yet morally indefensible. HRW’s report meticulously documents the systematic targeting of Burkina Faso’s Fulani community, who constitute 8% of the population. They are collectively accused of terrorism, their villages subjected to massacres, and hundreds of thousands displaced. The report even quotes Traoré in February 2023, warning Fulani leaders of “many dead” and increased complications for their community. His presidential guard chief reportedly stated, “We will kill them all.” Despite this, the official line maintains there is no “Fulani problem,” only a “problem of Fulani.”
A twisted notion of freedom of expression
Traoré asserts that Burkinabè citizens enjoy “much greater freedom” than Europeans. The reality, however, paints a starkly different picture: freedom to disappear. Journalists have been abducted and forcibly conscripted into militias, independent media outlets have been shut down, and human rights websites blocked. The electoral commission has been abolished, and the death penalty reinstated. Adding to this oppressive environment, pro-junta troll networks, known as “BIR-C” (Rapid Communication Intervention Battalions), actively disseminate propaganda and deepfakes glorifying Captain Traoré on social media, making comparisons to more established authoritarian regimes seem almost quaint.
Justice, selectively applied
HRW strongly advocates for an investigation into Captain Traoré for command responsibility, naming six generals. Yet, none have faced trial. The junta’s decision to withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC) speaks volumes; a common tactic for regimes with “nothing to hide” is to distance themselves from international legal scrutiny. Meanwhile, Traoré publicly shames corrupt traffic officers caught pocketing 500 CFA francs, treating it as a national scandal, while the massacre of hundreds of civilians by the army is dismissed as “terrorist perfidy.” This reveals a deeply skewed sense of justice and priorities within Burkina Faso.
The blame game: deflecting criticism
Any external criticism is swiftly dismissed. A European Parliament resolution? “Interference.” The French army chief? Advised to “mind his own business.” NGOs? “Manipulators.” Media? “Liars.” The internet? “Fake news.” Territorial maps? “Fabricated.” A 351-page report with 450 interviews? Also “fake.” For Traoré, everything is a fabrication except his own narrative. While the postcolonial grievance is a legitimate historical fact – France’s historical exploitation of Africa is undeniable – weaponizing this grievance to shield a regime from accountability for massacring its own population is a dangerous precedent, echoing past authoritarian tactics. Anti-imperialism must never be a license to kill.
In a recent statement, Traoré encouraged Burkinabè citizens to “have children” because “the land is rich.” A chilling irony, considering the land is indeed becoming rich in mass graves, holding the bodies of those silenced by the very forces claiming to protect them.