As South African courts prepare to rule on the fate of Kémi Séba, the controversial pan-African activist detained in April while attempting to enter Zimbabwe clandestinely, writer Venance Konan ponders whether the social media star represents the true spirit of modern panafricanism. This moment offers an opportunity to examine the movement’s evolution and its various interpretations.
With 1.5 million followers across African social platforms, Kémi Séba—legal name Stellio Gilles Robert Capo Chichi—holds dual citizenship in Benin and Niger. His recent arrest in South Africa alongside his 18-year-old son and François Van der Merwe, a white South African apartheid nostalgia advocate, raises questions about his movement’s alliances. Séba, founder of the “Urgences panafricanistes” NGO, has built his reputation on fiery anti-French rhetoric, opposition to the franc CFA, and antisemitic statements, which led to the revocation of his French citizenship.
Investigations reveal Séba‘s alleged attempt to enter Zimbabwe illegally before continuing toward Europe. He faces Benin‘s charges for “advocating state security crimes and inciting rebellion” after publicly supporting soldiers involved in last December’s failed coup attempt. An international arrest warrant has been issued against him.
Russian propaganda and Sahel dictatorships’ allies
The trio of Kémi Séba, Franklin Nyamsi, and Nathalie Yamb dominate francophone African panafricanist discourse, spearheading opposition to French presence on the continent. However, their rhetoric increasingly aligns with Russian state narratives while supporting military juntas in the Alliance of Sahel States—Mali‘s Assimi Goïta, Burkina Faso‘s Ibrahim Traoré, and Niger‘s Abdourahamane Tiani. Does this new panafricanism simply replace French domination with Russian influence to prop up anti-democratic regimes?
From anticolonial roots to fragmented nationalism
Panafricanism emerged in early 20th-century Black American and Caribbean intellectual circles before inspiring anticolonial struggles across Africa. Leaders like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Sékou Touré of Guinea, and Patrice Lumumba of Congo galvanized movements demanding decolonization and continental unity. The Federation of Black African Students in France (FEANF), founded in 1950, became a political force advocating African unity before its 1980 dissolution after French authorities retaliated against its pro-independence stance.
The 1957 Ghanaian independence and subsequent decolonization of African nations were celebrated as panafricanist victories. The Organization of African Unity (OAU), established in 1963, represented progress toward continental unity until micro-nationalisms and secessionist movements like Eritrea‘s independence and Sudan‘s division emerged. Libya‘s Muammar Gaddafi attempted to revive the dream of African unity in 2002 by transforming the OAU into the African Union, though this initiative ultimately failed with his death in 2011. The African Union adopted the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) in 2001 to accelerate integration, yet this initiative has faded into obscurity.
From civil wars to African-on-African persecution
Today’s panafricanist declarations often ring hollow. While African leaders proclaim unity, many countries maintain ministries of African integration while engaging in practices that contradict these ideals. For instance, Ivorian politician Laurent Gbagbo recently launched the African Peoples’ Party of Côte d’Ivoire (PPA-CI), self-proclaimed as panafricanist. Similarly, Senegal‘s ruling party, the Patriotic Africans of Senegal for Work, Ethics, and Fraternity (PASTEF), presents itself as panafricanist despite ongoing issues like xenophobia in South Africa or tensions between Sahel countries and ECOWAS members.
Time for genuine panafricanist action
Where have the true panafricanists gone? Only a vocal few remain: Kémi Séba, Franklin Nyamsi, and Nathalie Yamb. All three French-born activists have faced sanctions for their anti-French positions while aligning themselves with Russian interests in Africa. Their self-proclaimed persecution narratives raise questions: Does liberation mean replacing one form of domination with another? Are the human rights abuses committed by Russian-backed forces in the Sahel not sufficient evidence of this contradiction?
According to leaked communications, Séba has accused his former allies Nyamsi and Yamb of opportunism, claiming they now serve Togolese president Faure Gnassingbé. Ironically, Séba himself has expressed regret over losing his French citizenship. This so-called panafricanism appears corrupted—a far cry from genuine liberation. Yet as predatory global powers reshape the world order, Africa’s survival may depend on rapid, authentic unification under true panafricanist principles.
