Authoritarian Regimes & Africa

Chad’s political landscape: a deepening authoritarian shift

Chad’s political landscape: a deepening authoritarian shift

N’Djamena’s current leadership appears set on perpetuating a destructive cycle of coups and violent confrontations.

Just two weeks after their initial arrest for organizing a march to protest governance issues in Chad, eight prominent opposition figures received hefty eight-year prison sentences. Their collective, the “Groupe de concertation des acteurs politiques” (GCAP), had intended to hold a public demonstration on May 2nd.

The day before these convictions, on May 7th, the Supreme Court declared the GCAP, which represented the nation’s primary opposition coalition, officially dissolved. These eight leaders now join Succès Masra, a leading opposition voice and head of the Transformateurs party, who was previously sentenced in August 2025 to twenty years in prison for “inciting hatred.”

These actions represent a significant stride towards authoritarian rule in Chad. With the effective silencing of GCAP leaders, the Patriotic Salvation Movement (MPS), the party of President Mahamat Idriss Déby, faces virtually no credible challenge. This erosion of opposition severely jeopardizes Chad’s democratic aspirations.

For over six years, public demonstrations have been consistently prohibited. Some of these peaceful gatherings have met with brutal force, most notably in October 2022, when approximately 200 protesters lost their lives, and many others sustained injuries or were arrested.

The detention of GCAP leaders and the coalition’s dissolution by the Supreme Court raise serious concerns about the increasing weaponization of the judicial system for political repression. Lawyers representing the detained leaders have vehemently protested their clients’ imprisonment without formal charges. Following a swift trial, they were convicted of charges including criminal association, insurrectional movement, rebellion, and illegal possession of war weapons — accusations their legal teams firmly dispute.

The detention of eight opposition leaders marks another step towards authoritarianism

Similar to Masra’s case, the trial of the GCAP leaders has sparked widespread condemnation from civil society groups and the opposition. This appears to be a blatant attempt to constrict public discourse and further destabilize the political environment. Expressing its apprehension, the United Nations has reiterated the fundamental importance of upholding freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly, in line with Chad’s human rights obligations and international commitments.

Beyond the systematic ban on protests and the instrumentalization of the judiciary to stifle dissenting voices, the use of lethal force is increasingly becoming normalized, even in routine situations.

On April 29th, activists celebrating the eighth anniversary of the Transformateurs party endured an armed assault. This attack resulted in one fatality, two severe injuries, and the abduction and torture of the party’s treasurer. While the government announced its intention to pursue those responsible, such incidents have become disturbingly common in recent years.

The shrinking of public space and the suppression of opposition in Chad have intensified significantly since the political transition began in 2021, following the death of President Idriss Déby Itno. The nation risks reverting to a single-party system, reminiscent of the eras under Presidents François Tombalbaye (1960-1975) and Hissène Habré (1982-1990). During those periods, only parties aligned with the ruling power were permitted, functioning primarily as pro-regime propaganda tools and exerting complete control over public life.

Under Idriss Déby Itno (1990-2021), elections were perpetually disputed, and the Constitution underwent multiple revisions to eliminate presidential term limits.

The disproportionate use of force could radicalize citizens, particularly the youth

Both Tombalbaye and Habré ultimately fell victim to coups d’état, and Déby himself was killed during clashes with rebels attempting to overthrow his government. These historical overthrows, coupled with numerous coup attempts and insurrections, underscore Chad’s enduring tradition of resorting to force as a means of political change.

Since 1964, a mere four years after gaining independence, Chad has been plagued by recurrent cycles of deadly conflicts and chronic instability, leaving a deep and lasting impact on its society.

Less than three years after the supposed return to constitutional order, Parliament amended the Constitution, despite it having been crafted through an inclusive and sovereign national dialogue. In October 2025, the presidential term was extended to seven years. This serves as another clear indication of the ruling party’s determination to consolidate its dominance over the political arena.

Chad’s current leaders must reflect upon and learn from the nation’s darker historical periods. Beyond re-engaging in dialogue between the government, opposition parties, and civil society, it is imperative to safeguard fundamental freedoms of association and expression. Respect for the separation of powers is also essential for preserving judicial independence and upholding the rule of law. 

Law enforcement agencies must improve their management of demonstrations, employing appropriate and proportionate measures. To achieve this, a review of public order doctrines, enhanced training for officers, and oversight of their operations by independent authorities and human rights associations are crucial.

Regional and international organizations must re-engage in calling for dialogue

The frequent and excessive use of force, which can turn lethal, is profoundly damaging. It risks inciting violence and radicalization among citizens, especially young people, leading to a high potential for escalation during confrontations.

Given the government’s firm stance, the adoption of these recommended measures appears unlikely. In the absence of strong, credible dissenting voices within Chad, regional and international bodies must once again advocate for dialogue. This includes organizations such as the African Union, the Economic Community of Central African States, and the United Nations, all of whom previously supported Chad’s transition and its return to constitutional order.

While the UN’s expressed concern is a positive step, more proactive advocacy with Chadian partners would undoubtedly yield more productive outcomes.