The Senegalese political landscape frequently witnesses power struggles, whether among members of the same party or between distinct political entities. The prevailing situation at the zenith of Senegal’s executive branch strikingly illustrates this reality.
The once harmonious Sonko-Diomaye partnership, comprising Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and his Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko, who previously spoke with a unified voice, is now engulfed in significant internal discord. These escalating disagreements culminated on May 22 with the President announcing the dismissal of the Prime Minister and the dissolution of the entire government.
While early indicators of fraternal divergences emerged during a rally on November 8, 2025, a crucial meeting on May 2, 2026, undeniably confirmed the rift. President Diomaye Faye himself acknowledged the disagreements with his Prime Minister, specifically citing the “excessive personalization” of power around the latter.
The illusion of an indivisible symbolic capital at Senegal’s helm
This unprecedented partnership was forged when Ousmane Sonko, after his own candidacy was invalidated, chose Bassirou Diomaye Faye as his successor. Initially conceived as a complementary political dynamic, one figure managed the state apparatus while the other provided robust political legitimacy during their initial months in office.
However, the grand political gathering of Les Patriotes africains du Sénégal pour le travail, l’éthique et la fraternité (PASTEF), the ruling party, on November 8, 2025, exposed the limitations of this two-headed illusion. Ousmane Sonko himself described the period “after November 8” as a vital turning point for the future institutional collaboration between the President and him. The relationship between the two now appears deadlocked, stemming from disagreements over the choice of the ruling coalition’s coordinator, differing visions of power, and disputes regarding political allies.
Consequently, the once unifying slogan “Sonko mooy Diomaye” (Sonko is Diomaye, in Wolof), a survival strategy for PASTEF against the former regime of Macky Sall, has begun to wane. In its place, slogans like “Sonko est Sonko” or “Ousmane est Sonko” have emerged. This signifies that the proclaimed unity has dissolved, giving way to a visible, almost overt duality where roles are being redefined and individual ambitions are asserting themselves.
The symbolic fusion that once allowed Sonko to operate through a “capital by proxy,” creating a unique “partisan habitus” where supporters of PASTEF and the “Project” perceived not two distinct representatives but a single, indivisible political force, is now fractured. “Diomaye is no longer Sonko. Sonko is no longer Diomaye.”
This duality at the summit marks the temporal culmination of their initial “complementarity” upon entering the executive political arena. The inherent presidential nature of Senegal’s political system mandates a clear distinction where the President’s authority is not shared. The prerogatives of the President and the Prime Minister are meticulously defined by the Constitution in articles 42 to 52, effectively transforming their initial fusion into a “soft rivalry.”
President Diomaye Faye frequently adopts a reserved posture, presenting himself as the guarantor of institutions, while Prime Minister Sonko maintains his characteristic register of mobilization and disruption. This dynamic aligns with the concept that institutional roles shape an individual’s actions, language, and demeanor. The presidential function imposes a “sovereign” habitus that inherently distinguishes itself from the “party leader” habitus of the Prime Minister. In adherence to an ethical separation between the roles of Head of State and party leader, President Diomaye Faye consequently resigned from his position as Secretary-General and all leadership bodies within the PASTEF party.
Moreover, a real yet subtle boundary exists between the President and his Prime Minister, evident in the transition from informal street communication like “Diomaye is Sonko” to formal institutional communication, where the President’s image takes precedence according to protocol. Where Sonko propelled Diomaye to power, Diomaye now wields discretionary authority, including the power of appointment, thereby fostering a political bipolarization between “pro-Diomaye” and “pro-Sonko” factions.
The inherent limits of a dual power structure
In the realm of physics, fluid mechanics illustrates that when two bodies of differing masses share a common space, the one with greater mass will inevitably compress the other. Applying this principle to Diomaye and Sonko reveals that power is not static, much like human nature.
Through an upward flow of influence, his charisma, and control of the party, Ousmane Sonko injects popular legitimacy into Bassirou Diomaye Faye’s presidency. Conversely, through a downward flow of influence, Bassirou Diomaye Faye, via his decrees and state decisions, materializes the aspirations of the “Project” by enshrining them in Senegalese positive law. Consequently, if Sonko’s influence becomes too pervasive, it encroaches upon Diomaye’s institutional territory.
In such a scenario, the President might appear to be under tutelage. Conversely, if Diomaye isolates himself excessively, he risks losing the vital vein of legitimacy that Sonko represents. They exist within a system of mutual dependence, yet also one of potential self-destruction. Power oscillates between the presidential office and the Prime Minister’s residence, a dynamic that perpetuates this “soft rivalry.”
By mirroring each other’s desires, they are becoming antagonistic doubles. The more they resemble one another, the deeper their divergence becomes, as each sees their own ambition reflected in the other. Both actors covet the same objectives: power, the presidency, and leadership. Sonko aspires to hold executive power; Diomaye aims to solidify his position.
The current power struggle at the highest levels serves as a stark reminder that in politics, a “gentlemen’s agreement” is often merely a myth for idealists. It is the perennial resurgence of the “number two syndrome.” The presumptive heir, initially loyal and competent, ascends through the ranks only to turn against their leader when the latter commands all the spotlight.
The hegemonic figure, in their drive to secure future electoral victories, often transforms a loyal ally into an adversary due to mistrust. This dynamic fosters a form of reciprocal paranoia, signaling a period of potential social and political turbulence ahead for Senegal.
